Missouri Germans Consortium

Everything German in Missouri

Call and Declaration

The following translation is used with the
Dr. Steven Rowan
Dr. Steven Rowan
gracious permission of Dr. Steven Rowan, History Department,University of Missouri-St. Louis Copyright 2014. For permission to cite or for use, please contact the translator. The material below is provided for the use of all scholars who wish to promote accurately the writings of Friedrich Muench and Paul Follenius.


imageCall and Declaration




En Masse



To the

North American States


Second edition, with the addition of the Statutes of the Giessen Emigration Society


Published by J. Ricker in Giessen

July, 1833

/reverse of cover/

For Your Information

The first edition of our “Call and Declaration concerning an emigration en masse from Germany to the North American States” that appeared in March of this year with J. Ricker in Giessen has rapidly sold out, and we have been frequently asked to make a new edition, which we requite here.

But since the desire has often been expressed to make the statutes with the general plan for the particular emigration society established at Giessen, with which we will pass to our new Fatherland without fail in May, 1834, known through printing, we have decided to add the statutes to this second edition of our previous publication. But we have also published the statutes separately for all those who hold the previous edition, so that they can also be obtained separately in bookstores.

Giessen, July, 1833.

The Organizers

/1/ We the undersigned, together with many of our most respected friends and fellow citizens, have decided to leave Germany and to seek their new homeland in the states of North America.

This intention awoke in us once we had become convinced that, so far as we are concerned, conditions in Germany neither now nor in the future will satisfy the demands that we as persons and citizens must make of life for ourselves or our children. This is since we have become aware that only a life such as is possible in the free states of North America can suffice for us and our children.

The political situation of that dramatically growing state is well known to those who are informed. Lands, especially in the almost immeasurable regions west of the Mississippi, have been opened only in the most recent times by the perfection of the means of transportation, lands with which almost none on earth may be compared for richness and the beauty of nature. Swiftly the primeval forests are being cleared, swiftly arise country estates and cities, and the great waters permit the liveliest commerce with all parts of the earth.

/2/ It is our idea that the better part of the many Germans who have decided to emigrate should settle as a group, united as a whole in keeping with the purified and presently existing political form and received into the great federation of states, so that in this way the survival of German customs, language, etc., should be secured, so that a free and popular form of life could be created. This our idea, whose execution appears grandiose and desirable, appears to us to be possible and not too difficult.

The purpose of our call and declaration is to win our German countrymen already determined to emigrate for our idea, and to encourage them to act together with us to carry it out. On the other hand we have no intention of convincing those of our countrymen who feel well here in Germany and wish to remain here, to join our undertaking. We are speaking only to those who have already decided to emigrate, or who have been unable to reach a solid decision because the emigration as a whole seemed to them to be the result of the unfortunate financial situation of individual families from the poorest classes, and since it promised neither a plan nor a way to continue their German identity and an intelligent life with their countrymen. These words are directed only at these persons.

We are not violating any existing law by calling for a unification of all German emigrants. Rather, we are making use of a holy human right recognized by the German Federation and individual state laws by leaving a place that no longer corresponds to our individual needs, so that we desire to establish a new Fatherland in combination with countrymen who are of the same mind.

/3/We can hardly doubt the success of our effort when, on the one hand, so many reasons exist to promote such a planned unity of all emigrants, and on the other hand a desire to emigrate has risen from year to year, reaching into the higher classes, making it certain that there will be adequate participation from all classes.

The major reasons for such a unification of all emigrants en masse are the following:

  • 1) Only a few of our countrymen are so decadent that they do not want to retain their German customs and language, and yet all those who emigrate individually must separate themselves from them and submit to alien mores and customs, acclimatizing their tongues to a foreign language. This necessity would be prevented if all German emigrants — of which there were 20,000 last year — settled in the same area, placing themselves in the situation of asserting German nationality over those already settling there, and even if they are not yet the majority, they still have the chance temporarily and at length worthily to assert, through the later, gradual growth of countrymen from the old Homeland, to create a German state among the various states of the Union itself, a rejuvenated Germany in North America, giving German nationality a respected voice among the community of nations.
  • 2) Few of our countrymen, particularly from the honorable class of artisans and peasants, are so well-off, once they have arrived in a North American harbor, to be able to travel endless distances into the interior and find a place to settle. More often their /4/narrow means compel them to enter into a relationship of service in order to earn enough through intense labor so that they may be independent persons. Many never achieve such independence, besides the fact that the American shows little mercy for foreign practices, and often families are separated permanently.

Many specially-organized smaller associations for the purpose of common emigration fail to prosper. The measures adopted to keep them together usually are wrongly calculated (partly due to ignorance of the situation there), so that soon the whole thing fails. This will be prevented if we associate ourselves strictly, and if we travel as a solidly established and organized whole for dealing as a group, consisting of several colonies, uniting all resources into a free existence, independent of foreigners.

  • 3) The Emigration Society to be formed will consist of persons of all classes, as found in Germany. Not all will bring the same strengths or the same capacity for every sort of activity; not all can or will choose the same business permanently, and from the very beginning there must be a possibility for every one to develop his particular talents and make himself useful to the whole. All of these conditions, without which neither a generally educated life nor political significance and a gradual raising of the latter to the level of an autonomous state of our own can only be accomplished by the large-scale union of all emigrants. The unification of every imaginable strength, both intellectual and physical, into such a grand community, must give this whole a foundation and permanence.
  • 4) /5/Since uprooting from all relationships here, separation from relatives and friends, and sacrifice of customary sources of support remains a particularly large step for fathers of families, to whom the well-being of wife and children is a holy, dear obligation, particularly the case with the illness or even death of the head of the family, which strikes at the most powerful support for the family. In that case guarantees must be made for this situation, to protect the family from poverty, homelessness and dependence on the pity and arbitrary treatment of others.

This can occur in a large association of like-minded persons, through arrangements made by private association according to legal and binding principles.

Every family will already find several families of friends among the participants or will easily find them, and since security for families is in the interest of all, associations will easily be established for this purpose, and provided with good establishment will provide adequate support in the manner of ordinary widows’ and orphans institutions.

  • 5) The association of all emigrants with the intention of settling individual colonies alongside one another offers the chance to choose the areas for the new Homeland that will provide the greatest advantage for the whole for the future concerning productive places and providing the greatest possible significance.
  • 6) Since the entire undertaking described below is projected for a series of years and an establishment will be made that provides an administrative authority remaining /6/in Germany for later emigration that will remain in close contact with those families already departed for America, this will prevent a very great disadvantage for most emigrants. Most of them were compelled to sell their landed property at forced sales that were in most cases completed after their departure, and since they could not or would not leave anyone behind to collect their money and send it to America, payments coming due later had to be left largely to dirty money-speculators at enormous cost.

This painful disadvantage can be utterly resolved if the emigrants agree on one plan, through the action of the administrative authority.

The main reasons to work to unite all emigrants lie here. They will enlighten anyone who have not lost all sense for a great undertaking, nor who are so possessed by blind obsession for this undertaking that they do not require the most thorough respect for all conditions in order to give the greatest support to success.

We proclaim first of all in general what we promise with certainty concerning our undertaking for ourselves and our successors.

  1. We expect a civil common life in which every independent member achieves the full sense of his own dignity to pursue all purposes through which the wellbeing of individuals or the community is not illegally disturbed. This occurs when this common life recognizes all fellow citizens as essential parts of the community, /7/ with equal rights, excluding all contrary purposes, rejecting the spirit of caste, class prejudice or privilege. We wish to live for the wellbeing of the community, forming our lives according to our own conviction not to serve any arbitrary action, and not to be used as the means for goals not in keeping with our own consciousness. Closely joined with our countrymen, we wish to experience what it means to possess a Fatherland to which one may with joy dedicate strength and life with hope of success. Everyone should possess the idea of being a member of a state, with strength and dignity, and with the healthiness and freshness of state life that makes him one of the most elevated of beings.

In other words we hope – which is essential to us – to avoid the necessity of serving a class dedicated to external defense, or to be compelled to expend our best strength and resources for purposes that are not our purposes. Rather we would be proud to stand man for man for our security and reject all external enemies through a capable military organization. Finally, we have reason to expect that we will be able to be relieved of worry about the peril to life, rest and property that European wars, occurring with brief interruptions, have caused.

  1. In our new Homeland, we expect a rejuvenated, moral religious life in which the true spirit of Christianity, — the spirit of freedom and love — will achieve the dominance it deserves. Let the innermost convictions be as free as its expression in word and deed! Let us remain forever free of every accusation of heresy and calumny! May truth be sought in the free exchange of ideas, let everyone express his inner talent in worthy action!

For those who need to seek a general elevation of the spirit in religious forms, /8/they shall find those of like mind, and it will be possible for them to give this such freshness, from the common understanding of traditional forms, that they will fulfill in truth their goal to maintain their spiritual life and ennoble their senses. Yet all this must be the result of free agreement! In contrast, all partisan division shall vanish among us, so that we declare ourselves only generally as a community of Christians and agree solemnly not to allow anything unfree, binding the spirit or disturbing concord, to arise among us, specifically pledging never to permit the difference of religious views to influence political or social life.

Through this, but also through a simpler and more natural way of life, through the elimination of all corruptions and all compulsion that the petty attachment to fashion and comfort have brought us, through withdrawal from class prejudices, in short, through the greatest possible removal of all that awaken lower passions and subverts virtue, finally through a careful education of youth in as comprehensive way as possible — we hope to be able to establish and foster a worthy public life, an ennobled social life, and a purer family life. Human life that is not moved and enthused by any higher idea sinks all too quickly into valueless meanness. Hence we wish to awaken among us once more an enthusiasm for an elevated striving, hence serving the cause of mankind.

  1. We expect considerable advantages for the means for physical existence. We do not accept the common view of people that only a portion of them should exhaust all their strength just for their bodily support, so that higher interests are silent. If we /9/ feared that even one of our colleagues would fall into such a fate in the new homeland, we would ask no one to change his present situation. — But we simply are not deceiving ourselves in the expectation that after the first arduous settlement in a mild climate, with the innumerable supports of extensive trade, all anxious concerns for the progress of the family will vanish forever. For that reason we do not depend simply on the participation of those already used to hard labor as farmers and artisans, but also those who have until now lived by intellectual pursuits and similar professions, insofar as these have a practical direction, and those incapable of strenuous activity due to their age, will find their place and adequate support in the whole, — and the participation of educated persons is indispensable, so that the required degree of intellectual education is assured for the whole both for now and for the future.

On the contrary, whoever has to confess of himself — and there will be few of these — that his physical and intellectual endowment has no practical value, is not suitable for our community, in which neither unnatural decadence nor abstract learned balderdash will be recognized nor fostered.

It will be possible through all manner of private associations to create room for useful and profitable enterprises for the most various strengths and capacities of participants, extending to them great success and permitting no individual to fail. — We hope to avoid permanently the specter of people without work or bread, for whom we have no help here, plagued with an unworthy worry about the survival of their children, who should freely choose /10/ their profession through talent and inclination and achieve independence at the proper age.

It is obvious to us that this undertaking, if it is not to fail, should only be begun by those who have at the least the means, besides the costs of passage, adequate wealth to settle as owners of land in North America or to establish themselves in another trade.

It is also clear that only irreproachable and industrious families, free of prejudices of class or birth, can be received into our Society. Morally decadent people, malingerers or drunks may not be received into our Society, nor will they be comfortable there. Minor failures arising out of the situation whose elimination here is difficult so long as relations continue as at present, do not deserve our attention. These failings will easily be eliminated with entry into new social conditions and a free community where only public opinion and law command, and where pressing concerns for survival fall away for those who work hard.

Along with this it is necessary, in order properly to carry out our goals, to plan for a number of years to complete them and to create an organization that permits planned effort.

Insofar as we will put all our strength into directing all future emigration to one and the same place, we specifically want to work to have the /11/ mass of those belonging to our society and leaving first to be organized even before embarkation into individual associations of which each forms a separate colony, but each stands in the closest organizational contact with all the other German colonies, with all of them settling sufficiently closely together so as to be held or occupied exclusively or predominantly only by Germans. For this reason it is necessary at this moment to erect a Central Committee as well as the necessary number of special committees in all parts of Germany where emigrants are in sufficient number.

After the settlement of the first colonies, alongside the aforementioned Central Committee remaining in Germany there should be a second one in America. The first may be composed practically of genuine participants in the emigration who depart with the next colonies, as well as those men who will only consider crossing over later or only have a lively interest in the undertaking. Those leaving the Central Committee due to their crossing over would then be replaced by participants in the next emigration, and so on as long as the emigration might last. Once the first colonies are established in America, those there should elect the second Central Committee already mentioned; this committee would enter at once into correspondence with the one in Europe, and it would accept the special obligation to do everything that can be done on the spot for the subsequent colonies, to make later settlements easier in every way, and specifically to make it possible for poorer families in Germany to settle in the new homeland.

The Central Committee remaining behind in Europe will correspond with all the special committees here, informing /12/ them of messages it receives from America, and fulfilling the obligation to make all arrangements on the large scale. Each special committee is the elected managing authority over a single colony. It will operate only until the embarkation of its colony and will consist exclusively of persons who depart with their colony as members.

All committee members receive no compensation for their efforts except remuneration for payments made on behalf of the society for which they are responsible.

Necessary rules for the particular organization of these special committees, their mode of business and the scope of their activities can be established later, once the necessary participation has appeared.

But in order to get things started, the undersigned organizers, along with some men named below who have great interest in this matter for various reasons, have formed themselves as a provisional Central Committee with its seat in Giessen, in the Grand Duchy of Hesse. They will consider themselves thus and act accordingly until such time as the whole can be organized sufficiently and it can be determined that one is satisfied with its operation, or whether a Central Committee may be constituted better of other persons and at another place. It is completely obvious that other knowledgeable men might want to join in carrying out our plans, which are of the greatest interest to us, but naturally we reserve to ourselves free choice in this matter.

/13/ We will start at once gathering all necessary information, or rather intensifying ties already established with emigrant societies that have departed in the course of this year, making similar ties with other societies, seeking to exploit connections that we already have with the United States.

Hence we demand that all our German countrymen determined to emigrate, in all parts of the Fatherland where there is a sufficient number gathered for an autonomous colony of emigrants, form associations to elect special committees, put these in contact with us at once, for this purpose sending prepaid letters to the Advocate Paul Follenius of the Grand-Ducal Aulic Court in Giessen.

Since through this call we are not simply seeking to satisfy a private desire, but rather to accomplish a great and general interest, we also implore all German countrymen to send us all information useful for carrying out our undertaking, either through public newspapers or private letters.

The following is to be observed concerning the choice of the place for our coming settlements by the undersigned organizers, in conjunction with the other members of the provisional Central Committee:

We seek a land whose autonomous development cannot be restricted by the presence of an unchangeable state institution, in which case we will not enter an already constituted state, but rather we wish to populate a territory of the Union /14/ where it is still possible to legislate autonomously in keeping with our nationality.

This is the principal reason that determines that we chose none of the 24 states of the Union already established according to fixed constitutions for our settlement. In all of these, with the exception of Louisiana, the Anglo-American national character predominates. In the South slavery still exists by law, so that the fundamental idea of our undertaking cannot be realized. There are only six regions still lacking a fixed constitution, of which Missouri and Oregon,[1] now crossed by wild Indian hordes, will only be ready for settlement in later years. Michigan and the great Northwest region will never be the in the first rank of the states of the Union due to location, soil and climate, and Florida, despite its almost unexampled fruitfulness, will properly be avoided by German colonists due to its southern location. Arkansas remains, a region of 5700 square [German] miles, hence incidentally half the size of Germany, bound by the states of Mississippi, Louisiana and Tennessee, as well as by Mexico, watered by the Arkansas, Mississippi, the Red and White Rivers, with their many tributaries, blessed with all the riches of nature, healthy on its heights, with the climate of northern Italy, populated with colonies of benign Indians and scattered Frenchmen from Louisiana, making a total population of about 30,000 souls. The richest pastures are varied by stretches of woodland whose trees reach an unnatural height, often grown over with wild wine grapes. Numerous buffalo herds, elk, lesser beasts, wild horses, etc., still swarm the region, and the mountains offer all sorts of minerals. There are even considerable hot /15/ springs and salt lakes. The best prospects exist for trade commerce with all the states of the Union, with the former Spanish possessions, etc. The barriers of nature common to all lands in this latitude will soon yield to German persistence. Forts have already been established for the security of the region by action of Congress.

Yet this information, in detail provided by reports derived from exploration of the region specifically ordered by Congress will still not suffice for us, since, in order to avoid all adventure, we declare clearly that we shall not depart until we are thoroughly informed on the conditions to be expected there through all available means, perhaps through a report of the Society being formed, through a commission sent for that express purpose.

We are right to choose as our model in this great enterprise the first settlers in the region of the North American Union. For them as with us the idea of freedom shone, before which all hindrances, immeasurably greater in those days, must vanish. This idea of freedom filled the first settlers with a resolve that was crowned with success before which Europe is justified in marveling. They were primarily spurred by the idea of religious freedom, as we are predominantly moved by the equally elevated and exciting idea of civil freedom to show ourselves worthy of our great predecessors.

The first settlers of the states consisted, as do we, of persons of all classes, as they were formed by European history, and it is precisely this fortunate /16/ mixture that, after the elimination of traditional prejudices and privileges of birth and class, along with the rather uniform humane education of the whole mass of the immigrant population, to which is owed the glorious rise of the states, their rapid and significant entry into the association of peoples.

In our undertaking we have a significant advantage over those first settlers, which is that we are entering one and the same region in a mass standing as closely as possible together, not giving up but rather holding on to our nationality, splendid in its talents, making it effective in our new public and private life.

We have already prepared our undertaking by speaking with many of our friends and acquaintances, and once our cause has become the subject of many discussions in public, we have made many decisions concerning it. Many men, some of them highly respected and insightful persons, once thoroughly informed of our plan and grasping it in its full essence, have applauded it. Several of them have declared themselves ready to participate in it actively themselves. On the other hand, we have received negative judgments about it from many, and it was disappointing to us to learn that some who had declared their decision to join us have sought to frighten others away from it by speculations that were perhaps well-meaning but reflect prejudice and hesitation.

This circumstance has led us to expect public attacks after the appearance of this pamphlet, attacks which are only welcome insofar as they arise from honorable convictions and use /17/ rational reasons as weapons, in that truth is advanced by them.

We will publicly defend our undertaking against such attacks just as vigorously as we disdain replying to those arising from prejudice and exploitations of Philistine narrowness of heart.

For those who find our principles honorable and comprehensible, we only remark in advance that this pamphlet can naturally only deal with generalities, in keeping with its purpose. The specific plan for carrying it out can only be presented when we have enough adherents committed, particularly those from the more educated classes, and we know exactly the scale of the means available for the undertaking.

It is only with two sorts of opponents that we desire no public dispute, as well as no public attacks from them, since discussions with them that we have already had privately have taught us that fighting cannot yield any result.

The first class of these opponents consists of those persons remaining behind in Europe whose hostility to our undertaking is intended to frighten relatives, friends and dependents in order to hinder them from geographically separating themselves. These opponents, following a praiseworthy pressure of their hearts more than responding to reason, sometimes go so far as to see our beginnings as dubious or participants as novelty-seeking adventurers in order to achieve their goals through such deprecations.

Faithful loyalty to relatives and friends is a fine quality in our people. It is only when this becomes so strong, or rather so weak, that /18/ it deteriorates into narrow-heartedness, or when it overcomes reason, that it is justly criticized.

Even though it would be easy to demonstrate that a love that directly or indirectly restricts the freedom of a beloved person so as to keep them forever close has a strong admixture of egoism, we still are happy to abstain using this means to respond publicly to their attacks in this way, which would perhaps be unpleasant for them. They might consider rationally whether their efforts could be justified in the court of reason, religion and law, and whether they are doing their dependents any service if events take place here that will work negatively on them over the short or the long haul?

The second class of those opponents are those honorable, unbending patriots who hold it to be treason against their ancestral Fatherland to leave it at this time. — It is rightly distressing for us to appear to these people to be renegades from a cause for which they will deny no sacrifice. For our part, although we give the greatest weight to their criticism and have already seen that their opposition has kept from us many who would otherwise be brave comrades from our enterprise, we will not confront them, for we respect them too much. Although we and all of our committed emigration comrades declare that from the moment our enterprise appears practicable and assured through adequate participation, we will take no part whatsoever in political efforts here, applying all our strength entirely to carrying out our plans, we still expect those persons to make no public attacks on the patriotic commitment of us and our colleagues. We hope /19/ rather that they will respect our conviction just as we respect theirs. — Incidentally we strictly hold the view that destiny will still unite with these honorable opponents in the new Fatherland. Our hearts and our welcoming doors will remain open to them in the future, whether we leave them in opposition or in peace.

In conclusion we have to give a few more words concerning the individual societies (colonies).

It remains for each of these to constitute themselves according to their own decision and to order according to their particular situations. However, such a colony can only be included in the larger community if its constitution does not offend the essential principles on which the whole rests.

In this regard, we consider as essential:

Firstly, that no individual colony grants any legal existence to any variety of aristocracy,

Secondly, that each renounces the introduction of slavery forever.

Since it appears extremely desirable that the constitutions of all individual colonies should agree as much as possible, it will be in the general interest that there be an essential exchange of views before the various societies definitively accept their statutes.

We only add that the statutes of each of the individual colonies in many cases must accept rules that only operate assuming their agreement with the positive laws effective in America, but since these are not adequately known to us at this time, especially those depending on local /20/ conditions, it is desired that all of the statutes to be adopted restrict themselves only to what is essential and contain as few special conditions as possible!

The organizers

Paul Follenius                                    Friedrich Münch

Grand-Ducal Hessian Aulic                                                                        Grand-Ducal Hessian Pastor

Court Advocate in Giessen                                                                        at Nieder-Gemünden, Alsfeld


The members of the Provisional Central Committee.

Christian von Buri                                                                                          Gottfried Jordan

Aulic Court Advocate at Giessen                                                      Pension Master at Lindheim

in der Wetterau

Dr. Ph. Fr. Wilh. Vogt                                                                                          G. H. Engelhard

Professor of Medicine at Giessen                                    Pharmacy Owner at Frankurt a. M.

Georg Engelbach

Doctor of Medicine and Surgery at Lauterbach in the Grand Duchy of Hesse

For those considering joining the special colony to which the undersigned operators wish to belong, a special short pamphlet will soon appear in print about the whole undertaking, and we add the remark:

In order that the composition and organization of our particular colony will follow the same sense in which we and our declared participants have begun the whole undertaking, we must reserve to ourselves general leadership and the right to receive members, reject those seeking to join, to set statutes ahead of time and to declare the Society closed at the proper time, without further question.

As soon as the Society is declared closed by /21/ us, we will withdraw as leaders, call a general assembly of all participants in which all autonomous member heads of family will have equal part, make a complete report of our administration, and call for the election of a new leaders. This new leadership will care for all further business for the colony until our embarkation and landing at the place of our settlement.

Registration may be made with each of the undersigned as well as agents named later by us, but only in person, not in writing, excepting only a registrant known personally to us. Acceptance only becomes effective through the entire provisional leadership, hence only by us and the other members we will associate with us through review and special election.

The payment that we expect immediately from each member, to be paid in cash, will be either direct to us or to our agent, or finally to Mr. Jordan, estate manager at Lindheim in the Wetterau, who has declared himself willing to hold the position of cashier and clerk, and through whom all necessary common payments will be made, on the direction of the leadership. Both the leaders as well as the clerk must make a complete account of income and outgo of moneys, and they are responsible to the Society.

At the time of registration, each head of family has to pay one Gulden on acceptance, in exchange for a receipt, with any necessary delivery charges and similar payments his own responsibility. On acceptance, every head of family is to pay five Gulden for every member, but if these do not total at least five members, the charge will still be 25 Gulden, which will be kept in the Society treasury, and will be used for payments for the benefit /22/ of the entire Society. The surplus remaining after payment of expenses will be refunded to the members of the Society. Whoever resigns before embarkation will have no claim and his portion will remain with the Society.

Our colony cannot depart under any circumstance before early in 1834.

As soon as the time of departure is set, each family must deliver enough cash to the Society treasury (in installments still to be determined) to cover by estimation their transportation to the goal and according to the number of heads, their support until the next harvest, the purchase of at least 50 acres of land, clearance of land needed at the outset, and purchase of necessary equipment. Families that cannot demonstrate they have adequate wealth cannot be accepted.

Everyone travels to the place of embarkation at his own expense. Everyone is free to arrange cheap or expensive lodging on the chartered ship. The bill will be made accordingly, as well as according to the number of heads belonging to the family as well as the weight of their baggage.

Once the place of the colony has been set, then there will be an agreement concerning the building lots. Each home site should have at least 20 acres undivided attached. Primary care should be taken that, even though agriculture will be the chief occupation, the layout should accommodate the conditions of a future town of crafts and trade.

After the subtraction of those plots that are necessary and purchased for the commune, everyone may purchase land as desired, and in order that there should be no conflict among members of the Society over this, /23/ a certain order should be established on this through agreement.

In order to exclude those not suited to our purposes from penetrating into our community, all participants in our undertaking will be committed, for a specified time not yet determined, in which the right to buy real property within the limits of the commune will be reserved to them and then any member of the Society.

A common treasury will be reserved to cover unavoidable common expenses. The members of the leadership, named by free election of all members with suffrage will have the specific right to claim the efforts of all those capable of working for work for common purposes.

The schoolteacher, physician and clerk will be the sole employees to be paid communally. Courts of arbitration will be established to settle disputes, whose decisions all are bound to obey.

To assure against accidents striking individuals, private associations will be formed for mutual guarantee. In case anyone suffers injury while serving the commune, these associations will compensation in accord with its resources. — On the death of a head of the family, a special guardian of the family will be named, with concurrence of the widow or other nearest relatives, who will represent the family in all things so long as it has minor members, and will care for its well-being as best he can, on his own responsibility.

Paul Follenius                                                                                                                              Friedrich Münch

Aulic Court Advocate                                                                                                                              Pastor

[1] “Oregan” in the text.

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